Turkmenistan Gas Pipelines Still Possible

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    Turkmenistan Gas Pipelines Still Possible

    May 2007 - The agreement reached by the 
    presidents of Russia, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan earlier this month to 
    build a gas pipeline from the Caspian shore to Russia has been hailed by 
    the international media as a Russian victory over the West. 
    The excitement generated by the trilateral deal, which presidents Vladimir 
    Putin of Russia, Kazakstan's Nursultan Nazarbaev and Gurbanguly 
    Berdymuhammedov of Turkmenistan signed at a May 2007 - . 
    "Russia registers victory in Caspian basin energy game," declared 
    EurasiaNet, while the Washington Times referred to the deal reached in the 
    city of Turkmenbashi as "a victory for Moscow over US and European plans 
    for the region." 
    Reacting to the deal on May 14, U.S. Energy Secretary Samuel Bodman said 
    the deal was "not good" for Europe, which needs to diversify its sources 
    of energy. 
    But several analysts are downplaying the importance of the pipeline deal. 
    They say it does not necessarily rule out the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline, 
    or indeed any of the other pipelines that might be built to bypass Russia. 
    
    Currently, all Central Asian gas shipped to Europe comes through Russia. 
    Gazprom, the country's giant gas producer, owns and operates the 
    Soviet-era Central Asia-Centre, CAC, pipeline which carries the gas. 
    Gazprom has a deal in place that commits Turkmenistan to increase exports 
    to reach 90 billion cubic meters by 2028. At the moment, Russia takes 50 
    billion cubic meters of Turkmenistan's annual production of 65 billion 
    cubic meters. 
    The May 12 agreement will provide greater capacity for getting the extra 
    gas out. It will initially entail the reconstruction of an existing 
    western branch of the CAC running along the shore of the Caspian Sea, 
    taking Turkmen gas via Kazakstan to Russia. 
    President Putin said this would carry 10 billion cubic meters a year, and 
    a parallel, new pipeline would be laid alongside it to boost overall 
    capacity. Putin said a full agreement would be signed by July. 
    For Europe, the importance of alternatives to Russian energy supplies was 
    underlined in January 2006, when deliveries of Russian gas to large parts 
    of western Europe were disrupted due to a pricing conflict between Moscow 
    and Ukraine – a development which created some concern in Europe about 
    Russia's reliability. 
    
    The Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline would be an extension of the South Caucasus 
    Pipeline, here shown under construction. 
    Planning for the TCGP, which would go west rather than north, began back 
    in 1998 when the United States funded a feasibility study for the project, 
    but last year's supply worries have reinvigorated the plan. 
    If constructed, the TCGP pipeline would take Turkmen and possibly Kazak 
    gas across the Caspian to feed into existing transit routes to Turkey. 
    In addition to the TCGP, however, there are a number of other projects on 
    the drawing board for pipelines that would get Turkmen gas to market 
    without involving Russia. 
    One reason why the late Turkmen President Saparmurat Niazov and his 
    successor Berdymuhammedov might harbor an interest in alternative routes 
    is gas pricing. 
    Last year, Turkmenistan succeeded in getting Gazprom to agree to a price 
    hike to US$100 per 1,000 cubic meter – but the Russian firm still sells 
    the gas on at a markup of around 100 percent, and there is little the 
    Turkmen can do about it. 
    In April 2006, President Niazov signed an agreement to construct a 
    pipeline to China that carried an obligation to sell 30 billion cubic 
    meters annually once it is up and running. 
    Other proposals exist – one for a pipeline going through Afghanistan to 
    Pakistan and on to India, and another that would circumvent Afghan 
    territory by running through Iran to Pakistan. The former is an unlikely 
    prospect as long as Afghanistan remains unstable, while U.S. opposition is 
    likely to block the Iranian option for the foreseeable future. 
    Oksana Antonenko of the London-based International Institute for Strategic 
    Studies says that for Europe, weaning itself off its reliance on Russian 
    oil and gas remains a priority. 
    "Europe is concerned that Russia may use its energy resources for 
    political purposes [against Europe]," she said. 
    But the TCGP project itself faces a number of hurdles, says Annette Bohr, 
    an expert on Turkmenistan and an associate fellow of the Royal Institute 
    of International Affairs, also in London. These include strong opposition 
    from Russia, uncertainty about the size of the gas reserves and the 
    production capacity needed to make the pipeline viable, and the 
    environmental concerns associated with undersea construction. 
    Bohr points out that the new deal has not yet been backed by a contract 
    containing the fine details, and so it is a long way from implementation. 
    John Roberts, an energy security specialist with Platts Energy Services, 
    agrees with this view, saying that while the Russian-Kazak-Turkmen 
    agreement is an important development, it does not signal the end of other 
    proposed pipelines. 
    Map of existing and proposed natural gas pipelines in the Caspian Sea 
    region (Map courtesy EIA)
    Roberts explains that the gas transported via this pipeline is unlikely to 
    come from the mainstream Turkmen reserves that all the big players are 
    fighting for. He said that the gas will not come from the major fields in 
    southeast Turkmenistan or indeed other parts of the country. 
    Instead, he said, the gas for this pipeline will be produced from fields 
    operated by foreign companies like Dragon Oil, Petronas Carigali and 
    Burren Energy. Roberts says these companies have a prior arrangement with 
    the Turkmen government to send their gas to Russia. 
    The initial capacity of the reconstructed line will only be 10 billion 
    cubic meters a year, not much compared with the 50 billion cubic meters 
    the Turkmen now sell to Russia and the 30 billion cubic meters promised to 
    China. 
    Jonathan Stern, director of gas research at the Oxford Institute for 
    Energy Studies, agrees that the TCGP's prospects are not seriously 
    affected by this deal, but he argues that there are other obstacles 
    standing in its way. 
    "The TCGP is not more or less realistic than it was prior to this 
    announcement," he said. "What it needs are gas supplies, gas buyers and 
    finance – it is not clear that the project currently has any of these." 
    
    President of Kazakstan Nursultan Nazarbaev, left, and Russian President 
    Vladimir Putin hold a meeting on the sidelines of the G8 summit in St. 
    Petersburg, Russia. July 2006.
    While the new agreement means only that Turkmenistan will be more able to 
    meet its obligations to Moscow, analysts recognize that it is of 
    considerable symbolic importance as a demonstration that Russia is still 
    the closest ally of the energy-rich Central Asian states. 
    But the Turkmen authorities – who presumably would wish to reduce the 
    Russian stranglehold on gas exports and pricing – have indicated that the 
    construction of alternative routes remains feasible. 
    A week before the trilateral agreement on the pipeline was made, the head 
    of the state-owned Turkmengas company, Yashygeldy Kakaev, said the country 
    was interested in diversifying its export routes, and cited the TCGP as 
    one possible option. 
    At a press conference held after the trilateral summit in Turkmenbashi, 
    President Berdymuhammedov also said the TCGP is still on the agenda. 
    "Diversification of gas distribution is taking place throughout the entire 
    world, so this matter could still be examined," he said. 
    Stern said that the proposed pipeline to China in particular is "highly 
    realistic," provided the Chinese cover the costs of building it and 
    producing the gas to feed it. This, he said, "they seem inclined to do." 
    Stern added that while the project would not come cheap, China's growing 
    economy is devouring energy at such a rate that it is keen to get access 
    to Turkmen gas, whatever the cost. 
    "Under international economic viability criteria, this project is not 
    realistic, but the Chinese do not view projects in these terms," he said. 
    In order to implement all these projects, Turkmenistan must increase its 
    gas production, which it has indicated it will do. 
    Turkmen ambitions have been spurred by the recent discovery of vast 
    reserves at the South Yolotan field, which the government says contains 
    seven trillion cubic meters. 
    If the promised production increases are realized, and export routes are 
    diversified to reach new markets, Turkmenistan is likely to see a 
    sustained rise in export revenues. 
    But as Erika Dailey, director of the Open Society Institute's Turkmenistan 
    Project, pointed out, it remains doubtful that the money will trickle down 
    to the average citizen. 
    "Corrupt governments force their citizens into silence," she said, "so 
    that the country's natural wealth can be siphoned into the off-budget 
    accounts of the elites rather than into social programs." 
       
    
           
          







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